9. Ambassador Nomura Reveals American Attitude Toward Japan

 Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  The same day, October 29, 1941, Ambassador Nomura sent a similar report to his government, reporting on the general attitude seen throughout official circles regarding the present situation with Japan. [29]

Because the Middle West was populated by many Americans of German descent, this section of the country opposed war with Germany but favored a Japanese‑American war. In reporting this condition to Mr. Kasai, Admiral Standley stated that Germany's propaganda had been very effective. The Editor of the Army‑Navy Journal, had also expressed the opinion that German propaganda was largely responsible for the pro‑German attitude of the Middle West.

Furthermore, Secretary Hull, speaking before Congress, pointed to the Tripartite Pact as an instrument to be used against the United States. By cutting off United States' aid to Great Britain, Germany hoped to push America's line of defense back to its shores. Although desiring peace, Secretary Hull felt that the United States must not exhibit weakness by consenting to the demands of the Axis powers. Secretary Hull felt that Tokyo, as well as Berlin, would increase its demands unless the United States built up a strength too powerful for either nation to face. Secretary Hull felt that Japan's attitude toward the Tripartite Pact would be largely determined by the outcome of the German‑Russian war.

[28] Ibid.

[29] IV, 15.

7

In the report of Secretary Hull's speech, printed in the New York Times on October 28, 1941, Secretary Hull was quoted as saying that the situation was "very delicate and very changeable".

Ambassador Nomura had further learned from one of his representatives that Assistant Secretary of State, Breckenridge Long, had said that the United States would not be able to arrive at any agreement before November 15 when the Japanese Diet would meet.

In reporting Britain's attitude toward the Japanese‑American situation, Lord Halifax said that although Great Britain would back the United States' policies in accordance with Prime Minister Churchill's speech, the British hoped that Japan would dive the Pacific problems thorough study and arrive at a satisfactory answer. Lord Halifax declined to discuss British or American embargo restrictions on Japan. [30]

10. Ambassador Grew's Report (October 25, 1941) [31]

On October 25, 1941 Ambassador Grew, reporting the details of a conversation with a reliable Japanese informant, learned that while the Konoye Cabinet was in power, the Japanese Emperor had called a conference of the leading members of the Privy Council and the Japanese armed forces. When the representatives of the Japanese army and navy refused to give a definite indication that they were prepared to pursue a peaceful policy in their relations with the United States, the Japanese Emperor, following the progressive policy of his grandfather, Emperor Meiji, issued the unprecedented command that the armed forces obey his wishes. As a result of this action, a new Prime Minister in control of the army was necessarily selected and General Tojo, on the army active list, was appointed to the position.

In spite of the recent anti‑American attitude of the Japanese press, the informant insisted that the present political leaders desired nothing more than an immediate adjustment of relations with the United States. In an endeavor to conclude the present conversations successfully, Mr. Togo, the new Foreign Minister, promised to resign his post if he failed in attaining this goal.

Even though the principal difficulty between the United States and Japan was the question of Japanese armed forces in China and French Indo‑China, the Japanese informant felt that the leaders of his government would be able to settle the problems satisfactorily if Japan were not asked to remove all its troops immediately. For the first time in ten years, the informant continued, the political organization in Japan presented an opportunity for reorientation of policy and action. [32]

In Ambassador Grew's own opinion, the Japanese leaders appeared willing to forsake any expansionists' plans for a workable understanding with the United States. At the present time, however, the Japanese press was commenting to a great extent on Secretary Knox's remarks regarding the United States' conviction that Japan's policy of expansion would eventually end in an unavoidable conflict with the United States. [33]

Ambassador Grew pointed to his remarks made in a telegram sent to Secretary Hull on September 29, 1941 in which he stated that constructive results could be produced by a meeting of the leaders of the two governments if an agreement were reached in the preliminary discussions. At that time, Ambassador Grew believed that the United States would face a greatly increased risk of war if it would not take the present opportunity of halting Japan's aggressive program by continuing negotiations. Unless the United States placed a reasonable amount of confidence in Prince Konoye's objective and, in this way, created a new orientation in Japan which would eventually lead to an improvement in Japanese‑American relations, the initial force and impetus of these informal conversations would be entirely lost. [34]

[30] Ibid.

[31] "Memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)" October 25, 1941, S.D. II, 697‑698.

[32] Ibid.

[33] "Memorandum of Comment by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)", October 25, 1941 S.D. II, 698‑699.

[34] "The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State", September 29, 1941, S. D. II, 648‑650.

8

THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

If the Japanese Emperor were actually engaged in the formulation of Japan's policy, then Ambassador Grew was convinced that General Tojo and Foreign Minister Togo would probably produce more concrete concessions at future conversations. However, Ambassador Grew assured the American State Department that he would initiate nothing in his conversations in Tokyo without instructions. [35]

Ambassador Grew referred again to his telegram of September 29, 1941, stating that unless the Japanese Emperor had taken his present active interest in the Japanese‑American conversations, unbridled anti‑American feeling would undoubtedly have sprung up throughout Japan, resulting in the formation of a military dictatorship lacking either the disposition or temperament to avoid war with the United States. [36]

11. Grew‑Togo Interview (October 30, 1941)

a. Ambassador Grew's Report [37]

At a reception for Mr. Shigenori Togo, the new Japanese Foreign Minister, Mr. Togo spoke of the deterioration of relations between the United States and Japan, emphasizing his desire to conclude quickly and successfully the informal conversations and requesting the continued cooperation of Ambassador Grew.

Urging the United States to face certain realities related to the stationing of Japanese armed forces in China, Mr. Togo pointed out that Russian troops were stationed in Outer Mongolia and the soldiery of other nations were maintained in certain areas of China. After assuring Foreign Minister Togo of his desire to cooperate, Ambassador Grew stated that the main conversations must necessarily take place in Washington because of President Roosevelt's active interest in them. Nevertheless, parallel discussions in Tokyo would afford an opportunity for enlarging upon the views of the United States government regarding any changes of Japan's attitude.

In the past, Ambassador Grew said, he had made it a practice to keep the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs well informed on the conversations in Washington as reported directly to him by Secretary Hull. By way of example, Ambassador Grew then presented Mr. Togo with a paraphrased report of Under Secretary of State Welles' conversation with Minister Wakasugi on October 24, 1941. After Mr. Togo assured Ambassador Grew that he wanted to be kept informed on all correspondence relating to these conversations, the interview was ended.

Before leaving the Japanese office, Mr. Toshikazu Kase, who had acted as interpreter during the reception, told Ambassador Grew that he had been appointed the new Chief of the First Section of the American Bureau in the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Because of his long and pleasant association with Mr. Kase, Ambassador Grew expressed his approval of this appointment. [38]

b. Foreign Minister Togo's Report [39]

On November 2, 1941 Foreign Minister Togo sent Ambassador Nomura a report of his reception for the Japanese diplomatic corps and his subsequent conversation with Ambassador Grew on October 30, 1941.

During the discussion with Ambassador Grew, Foreign Minister Togo had stated that during the six months of informal negotiations, Japanese‑American relations had steadily grown worse. In order to arrive at a workable understanding, Foreign Minister Togo urged

[35] "Memorandum of Comment by Ambassador in Japan (Grew)" October 25, 1941, S.D. II, 698‑699.

[36] "The Ambassador in Japan ( Grew) to the Secretary of State", September 29, 1941, S. D. II, 648‑649.

[37] "Memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)", October 30, 1941, S.D. II, 699‑700.

[38] Ibid.

[39] IV, 16‑17.

9

the United States to view the oriental situation more realistically. By way of example the Japanese Foreign Minister pointed out that there were other countries besides Japan with occupation forces stationed in China. Although Outer Mongolia was actually a part of Chinese territory, Russia concentrated large forces there. Therefore, the Japanese government could not understand why the United States did not appreciate Japan's attitude toward evacuating its troops. Ambassador Grew stated that he would like to continue amicable parleys between his country and Japan. [40]

Foreign Minister Togo had already discussed the Utopian attitude of the United States toward the Far Eastern situation with British Ambassador Craigie on October 26, 1941. At that time, Foreign Minister Togo stated that the United States' policies were too theoretical and offered small chance of settling Far Eastern problems. Insisting that the situation would not permit further procrastination, Foreign Minister Togo urged Ambassador Craigie to cooperate in improving Japanese‑English‑American relations in order to reestablish and maintain world peace. [41]

12. Tokyo Questions Nomura on American Proposal

Since the Japanese government was concerned with the relationship between the proposals submitted by the United States and Japan, it questioned Ambassador Nomura on November 1, 1941 on the exchange of official text. Tokyo wished more complete information on those sections of the United States proposal submitted on June 21, 1941 which referred to the European war, non‑discrimination in trade and peace between Japan and China. [42]

According to a message which Ambassador Nomura had sent Tokyo in June 1941 [43], it appeared that the United States government's views differed widely from those held by Japan, and that the United States refused to understand Japan's right for self defense. Although the new Japanese Cabinet did not want to bring up old issues, it nevertheless requested more complete information concerning the exchange of official notes between the two countries. [44]

In reply, Ambassador Nomura stated that he had refused to relay the text of the American proposals since the United States had not modified its demands or made any further concessions and, therefore, the proposals issued by Japan and the United States differed too greatly to effect any conciliation. [45]

13. New Japanese Cabinet Discusses Formulation of Policies

Since the formation of the new Japanese Cabinet on October 17, 1941, meetings had been held with the Imperial Headquarters in order to determine the policies of the new government.

On November 2, 1941, Foreign Minister Togo notified Ambassador Nomura that a final decision on the fundamental policy to be adopted would be reached on November 5, 1941 at the meeting of the Japanese Diet. In view of the fact that Japan was about to make its last effort to improve relations with the United States, Foreign Minister Togo urged Ambassador Nomura to handle all the problems with extreme care. [46]

The following day, Ambassador Nomura told the Japanese government that he would meet with Secretary Hull in a few days and requested that he be advised of the Cabinet's decision on policy before that time. If this were impossible, Ambassador Nomura asked that he be instructed what points to emphasize when speaking with Secretary Hull. [47]

[40] IV, 16.

[41] IV, 17.

[42] IV, 18.

[43] IV, 78.

[44] IV, 18.

[45] IV, 19.

[46] IV, 20.

[47] IV, 21.

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THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

14. Ambassador Grew Leans Japanese Cabinet's Plans [48]

On November 3, 1941 Ambassador Grew was again visited by the same Japanese informant who had called on him on October 25, 1941. During a conversation with Foreign Minister Togo, the Japanese informant reported, he had learned that the Japanese Foreign Minister, Prime Minister and the Minister of the Navy had determined upon the maximum commitments which Japan could make in order to adjust its relations with the United States. This decision was given to the Japanese Emperor by the Prime Minister on the afternoon of November 2, 1941 and since Foreign Minister Togo anticipated that Ambassador Grew would call within a few days, it was expected that some conclusion would be reached before that time.

For the first time in many years the Japanese Foreign Minister had been able to assume certain obligations with the entire approval of the Prime Minister and, consequently, of the War, Navy and Home Ministries. Since the question of relations with the United States would necessarily have to be clarified before the Japanese Diet met on November 15, 1941, the Japanese informant believed that Foreign Minister Togo would request an interview with Ambassador Grew not later than November 7, 1941. [49]

15. Ambassador Grew Reports on Situation in Japan. [50]

In a telegram to Secretary Hull and Under Secretary Welles on November 3, 1941, Ambassador Grew reported the attitude of the Japanese newspapers, citing an article from the Tokyo Nichi‑Nichi which commented on a statement which the Japanese Embassy reportedly gave to the New York Times regarding the end of the Japanese‑American economic war, under the banner headline "Empire Approaches Its Greatest Crisis." Both the article and the accompanying editorial, according to Ambassador Grew, reflected the average Japanese sentiment.

Referring to the various other reports which he had made during the past several months, Ambassador Grew stated he had no substantial revisions to make upon any of them. However, there were certain points that he desired Secretary of State Hull and Under Secretary Welles to apply to future conversations with Japanese representatives. First of all, Ambassador Grew did not believe it was possible for Japan to disassociate its war with China from that being waged in Europe. Since political thought throughout Japan ranged from medieval to liberal ideas, events beyond the Japanese Empire itself determined what body of principles would predominate. For example, when the Germans were victorious in western Europe during the past year, Japan turned pro‑Axis; yet with Germany's failure to invade the British Isles and its attack upon the Soviet Union came the conviction in Japan that the Tripartite Alliance had been a serious mistake of Japanese diplomats.

Nevertheless, if Japan's efforts to adjust relations with the United States and to conclude the war with China failed, a stronger Axis alliance could still be effected. Apparently leading American economists believed that the eventual exhaustion of Japan's economic resources would end in the collapse of Japan's militaristic power. However, Ambassador Grew pointed out that although the greater part of Japan's commerce, industrial production and natural resources had been depleted as a result of America's economic war, Japan could avoid complete collapse by forsaking the capitalistic system of economy. Therefore, Ambassador Grew did not believe that the imposition of a trade embargo and blockade would necessarily avert war in the Far East. [51]

Ambassador Grew then referred to a telegram which he sent to the American State Department on September 12, 1940 in which he had warned that the Japanese army saw an

[48] "Memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)" November 3, 1941, S.D. II, 700, 701.

[49] Ibid.

[50] "The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State"‑November 3, 1941, S.D. II, p. 701‑704.

[51] Ibid.

11

opportunity for expansion following German victories in Europe. As a result of policies which the Japanese government adopted, Ambassador Grew had advised the strong attitude subsequently adopted by the United States. However, while Japan was eventually forced to seek conciliation with the United States, if it were not reached in time, Japanese national temper and psychology would force it to risk hara‑kiri rather than to yield to foreign economic pressure. When attempting to avert war, therefore, Ambassador Grew urged that the fibre and the temperament of the Japanese people themselves be kept in mind. Although stating merely his own personal opinion, Ambassador Grew felt that the continued imposition of drastic economic measures would, in the long run, be contrary to American national interests since it meant the breakdown of diplomacy. Ambassador Grew assured the State Department that he was not questioning the intentions or motives of the Roosevelt Administration, nor was he implying that the Department was pursuing an undeliberated diplomatic policy. He agreed that there should be no compromise with the principles America had laid down and, therefore, he did not advocate any appeasement with Japan arrived at by forsaking these fundamental principles. At the same time, however, Ambassador Grew was certain that the methods of applying these basic principles were flexible. He particularly wished to correct any misconception of Japan's unpreparedness for war. He urged that the United States not underestimate Japan's obvious preparations to implement an alternate program in the event the conversations for peace failed. From the bellicose tone of the Japanese press and of several high officials it was obvious that Japan was capable of actions which might render armed warfare with the United States unavoidable. [52]

16. Ambassador Kurusu Appointed Special Aide to Ambassador Nomura [53]

After studying certain official papers in connection with his new position in the Japanese Embassy in Washington, Mr. Saburo Kurusu, former Japanese Ambassador to Germany, called on Ambassador Grew on November 4, 1941 before leaving for the United States.

As an endeavor to aid in the successful conclusion of the conversations in Washington, Mr. Kurusu was being sent by the new Japanese Cabinet as a special aide to Ambassador Nomura. Mr. Kurusu told Ambassador Grew that he was taking with him Mr. Shiroji Yuki, who was familiar with the developments in Washington as a result of his former position as Chief of the First Section of the American Bureau in the Japanese Foreign Office. [54]

16‑A. Japan Plans to Attack Hawaii on December 7, 1941‑(November 5‑7, 1941 ) [54a]

Three weeks before Secretary Hull presented to Ambassadors Nomura and Kurusu his note of November 26, 1941, which some American commentators have described as the ultimatum which caused Japan to go to war, Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto, Commander‑in-Chief, Combined Fleet of the Japanese Navy, had issued orders that an advanced expeditionary force should attack Hawaii on December 8, 1941 (Japanese time) or December 7, 1941 (United States time). The plan of attack was issued on November 5, 1941, as Combined Fleet Ultrasecret Operation Order 1, [54b]. and the date of Y Day was established in Combined Fleet Ultrasecret Operation Order 2 of November 7, 1941. [54c]

[52] Ibid.

[53] "Memorandum by the Ambassador In Japan (Grew)", November 4, 1941, S.D. II, p. 704, 705.

[54] Ibid.

[54a] This information was not available until June 4, 1945 when the material recovered from the Japanese cruiser Hachi was translated.

[54b] See Naval Operation Plans and Orders, 1941‑1944, recovered from CA Hachi, Part VII, Combined Fleet Operation Orders, Orders and Serial, pp. 2, 44.

[54c] op cit., p. 55.

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THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

17. Ambassador Grew Receives Japanese Informant [55]

At the request of Foreign Minister Togo, the leading Japanese informant again called on Ambassador Grew. Since the Japanese Foreign Minister did not feel that he could speak officially with the American Ambassador at this time, he had indirectly made the suggestion that the United States government continue the Washington conferences since the Tojo government had desired to extend the limits to which it would go in order to reach an agreement with the United States.

Expressing then his own personal opinion on the matter, the Japanese informant stated that since present conditions were having a calamitous effect upon Japan, his government was compelled to accept the views of the United States. Ambassador Grew, however, pointed to the violent tone of the Japanese press as seen in the editorial of the Japanese Times and Advertiser on November 5, 1941 which was known to express the attitudes of the Japanese Foreign Office. Another article appearing in the Nichi Nichi on November 6, 1941 accused the United States of talking like a harlot thereby complicating the adjustment of relations between the two countries. The Japanese informant promised to draw Mr. Togo's attention to the articles in question. Nevertheless, he insisted that too much attention should not be paid to the Japanese newspapers nor should the United States treat the Japanese people entirely as adults. Pointing out how the Germans had utilized this aspect of Japanese psychology to their own advantage, the Japanese informant stated that Japanese confidence could be gained easily by a friendly gesture or word. Irrespective of any future developments, the Japanese informant before leaving Ambassador Grew, urged once more that the informal conversations continue. [56]

18. Japan's Attitude Toward Present Negotiations Made Known

By way of reply to Ambassador Nomura's request for information on the policies of the new Japanese Cabinet, Tokyo informed the Japanese Ambassador on November 4, 1941 that as a result of numerous conferences a counter proposal had been formulated and unanimously approved by the government and the new military high command. On November 5, 1941 this counter proposal, together with other basic policies, would be approved by the Japanese Diet.

Since domestic and foreign conditions made it necessary to conclude the present informal conferences successfully without delay, Japan was ready to submit these new counter proposals. However, these counter proposals would be the last the Japanese government intended to submit. Should these fail to achieve the desired goal, all further negotiations would end. [57]

Because the Japanese government was anxious to conclude the conferences with the United States successfully, it had yielded to many of the demands of the United States, while, on the other hand, refusing to appreciate the position of Japan, the United States had made no concessions. As a result of this American attitude, the Japanese government and public suspected the sincerity of the United States. At the present time the patience of Japan was exhausted. If the existence and honor of Japan were threatened further, the Japanese government would take measures to defend them. As a last effort to show its friendship toward the United States, then, the Japanese government was submitting its proposals. [58] If the United States would only make a sincere attempt to establish peace in the Pacific, the entire world situation would be greatly aided. Tokyo promised to inform Ambassador Nomura immediately of the outcome of the meeting of the Japanese Diet in order that he

[55] "Memorandum by the Ambassador in Japan (Grew)", November 7, 1941. S.D. II, 705‑706.

[56] Ibid.

[57] IV, 22.

[58] IV, 23.

13

might confer with President Roosevelt and Secretary Hull. While Ambassador Nomura was discussing the problems with American representatives in Washington, Foreign Minister Togo would hold a conference with Ambassador Grew in Tokyo. Foreign Minister Togo emphasized that Ambassador Nomura must follow his instructions to the letter, giving no personal interpretation to any of them. [59]

19. Japan Instructs Ambassador Nomura in Final Proposals

On November 4, 1941, the Japanese government sent Ambassador Nomura the revised final proposal in which Japan attempted to meet the demands of the United States government. [60] Explicit instructions for Ambassador Nomura to follow in presenting these proposals were inserted in this message. For example, Tokyo advised Ambassador Nomura that in any formal negotiation reached between Japan and the United States, the government was anxious to avoid incorporating guarantees of evacuating Japanese troops from French Indo‑China upon the conclusion of the Chinese Incident.

The Japanese government expressed the opinion that the United States would agree with Japan's concessions regarding non‑discrimination in commerce and the interpretation of its obligations under the Tripartite Pacts. [60a] However, the new Cabinet recognized that the question of evacuation would continue to present an obstacle to peace. Since the United States was opposed to Japanese troops in China, the Japanese government proposed to shift its troops and officials to other occupied areas in order to dispel American suspicion. Although Japan would call it "evacuation", it was actually impossible for the Japanese government to recall its forces from China. Foreign Minister Togo asked that Ambassador Nomura euphemize the stationing of Japanese troops in China by insisting that unlimited occupation by no means meant perpetual occupation. Since Japan had been forced to make tremendous sacrifices during its four years war with China, its internal situation prevented Japan from making further concessions regarding the Chinese problem. [61]

In the event that these new Japanese counter proposals did not meet with American approval, the Japanese government had prepared a subsequent plan considered by Japan as a last effort to prevent disaster in the Far East. [62]

20. Ambassador Kurusu Leaves for Washington

In order to assist Ambassador Nomura in presenting these new Japanese counter proposals to the United States government, Japan sent Ambassador Kurusu to Washington. Since the Japanese Cabinet had given him no additional instructions concerning his post, it requested Ambassador Nomura to prepare him for the conferences with Secretary Hull and President Roosevelt. Ambassador Kurusu's activities in the United States were to be kept strictly secret. [63]

On November 5, 1941 Ambassador Kurusu and Secretary Yuki left for Shanghai. [64] Tokyo explained to Ambassador Nomura that these two representatives were being sent to Washington immediately in an attempt to show the United States that Japan sincerely desired to bring the present conferences to a successful conclusion. By giving Ambassador Nomura a clear picture of Japan's internal situation, the new Japanese Cabinet hoped that he would be more fully equipped to carry out Tokyo's instructions. [65]

[59] IV, 24.

[60] "For text handed by Ambassador Nomura to Secretary Hull on November 10, 1941 see S.D. II, 715‑717.

[60a] IV, 25-27.

[61] IV, 28.

[62] IV, 29. Ambassador Nomura did not present this alternate proposal to Secretary Hull until November 20, 1941. See S.D. II, 775‑776.

[63] IV, 30.

[64] IV, 31.

[65] IV, 32.

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THE "MAGIC" BACKGROUND OF PEARL HARBOR

21. Japan Seeks Agreement with Britain and the Netherlands

Since Great Britain and the Netherlands had vast interests in the Far East, the Japanese government realized that some understanding would have to be reached with these countries. If an agreement were concluded with the United States alone, it could never be completely carried out without the cooperation of Britain and the Netherlands.

On November 4, 1941, Foreign Minister Togo requested that Ambassador Nomura impress American officials with this point. It was hoped that the United States would formulate an understanding which Great Britain and the Netherlands government could sign. [66]

Not quite certain of Tokyo's attitude in this matter, Ambassador Nomura asked for further instructions on the following day. He wished to know whether Great Britain and the Netherlands East Indies were expected to sign an official document with Japan at the same time that America did or if separate documents would be prepared for the British and the Dutch, or if the four countries would exchange official documents. [67]

22. Tokyo Receives English Translation of Proposals

In order to avoid discrepancies between the English text handed to Ambassador Grew by Foreign Minister Togo and the one presented to Secretary Hull by Ambassador Nomura, Ambassador Nomura was sending the Foreign Ministry a complete translation of both Japanese counter proposals. [68]

At the same time he reminded the Foreign Minister that he had received instructions from Japan ordering him to make no personal interpretations of Japan's latest counter proposals. For that reason, Ambassador Nomura was taking the utmost care in dealing with these proposals. [69]

On November 5, 1941, Ambassador Nomura forwarded these English translations to Japan. [70]

23. Japan To Avoid Ratified Treaty with United States

In order to avoid further delay in concluding peace negotiations, Tokyo wired Ambassador Nomura on November 5, 1941 that it preferred to avoid drawing up any treaty with the United States requiring the ratification of the Senate. The Japanese government believed that the United States might adopt "an executive agreement" requiring only the approval of President Roosevelt. Under present conditions, the Japanese government was convinced that speed was an essential factor in the present negotiations. [71]

Ambassador Nomura replied that the United States did not wish to place any agreement with Japan before the Senate for the constitutional two‑thirds majority approval. As Mr. Hamilton and other American representatives had already stated, the United States government wished to leave any understanding between the two countries within the presidential jurisdiction.

In the proposal submitted by the United States on June 21, 1941, Ambassador Nomura pointed out, Article I mentioned "a general agreement of understanding as expressed in a joint declaration", and "mutual understanding and declaration of policy". However, it might be difficult for the United States to keep an agreement with Japan secret because of its domestic politics. [72]   Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

[66] IV, 33.

[67] IV, 34.

[68] IV, 35‑36.

[69] Ibid.

[70] IV, 37‑39.

[71] IV, 40.

[72] IV, 41.